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LETTERS 


FROM 



GEN. GID. J. PILLOW, 


V 


THE PEOPLE OF TENNESSEE, 

AND 


IN KEPLY TO GEN’L HITCHCOCK. 





NASHVILLE: . 

PRINTED BY G. C. TORBETT AND COMPANY. 

1857. 





REPLY TO GEN. HITCHCOCK. 


Maury County, Sept. 25, 1857. 

In my recent address to tlie people of Tennessee, giving 
the secret history of the Puebla negotiations, with the rela¬ 
tions I bore to the Government, and to the “Trist Mission,” 
and the part I performed in defeating those negotiations, I 
was careful to avoid every thing of a personal or party char¬ 
acter. 

I made a simple statement of facts, and referred to the War 
office at Washington, where the proof of those facts would 
be found. 

I anticipated that these disclosures, would start up afresh, 
the whole pack of blood-hounds , who have pursued me with 
so much fierceness ever since I entered the army. 

E. A. Hitchcock, who signs himself “Acting Inspector 
General of the Army in Mexico, and late Brevet Brigadier 
General,” is the first to open the cry upon the new scent, 
and forthwith, the editorial pack—Prentice, Greely & Co., 
chime in and cry on. 

The cry of these last, is an old yell—quite familiar to the 
public eaiyand without terror, even to the faint-hearted. 
But this man Hitchcock, who thinks to give himself charac¬ 
ter and consequence before the country, by setting forth the 
position he occupied, and the length of time he had been in 
the army, is not so well known, and therefore it may not be 
improper to give him some further notice. 

When the war with Mexico broke out, he was Lieutenant- 
Colonel in the line, and in command of the 3d Infantry, as 
fine a Regiment as the army could boast of. While this 
regiment was in the field, marching against the enemy, to 
cut its way to honor and glory, its commander, Col. Hitch¬ 
cock gave up the command, and cravenly skulked from this 
post of danger and honor , for the nominal position of Acting 
Inspector General, in Gen. Scott’s Staff, where all his asso¬ 
ciates were Lieutenants , and where he was far removed from 
danger. With the soldier, the post of danger is the post of 
honor. 

To understand how far he compromised his honor as a sol* 




4 


try, a malignant party press at home was perpetually pour¬ 
ing its volumes of abuse and calumny upon me. All that 
ridicule, falsehood and calumny could do to destroy my 
reputation was done. My only answer to these assaults was 
the blows I gave the enemy in front. I felt that in vindi¬ 
cating my reputation as a soldier with my sword, I best 
answered the “ fire of the enemy in the rear.” 

The close of the brilliant campaign, which resulted in the 
capture of the enemy’s capital, found me “ cut down” 

In a few days afterwards, and while prostrate upon a bed, 
from which I did not rise for many months, I was arrested. 
A sword which I had not dishonored was wrested from my 
side—my personal staff was dismembered, and my gallant 
division, which had cut its way into the city, at a loss of 
nearly two-thirds of its members, was taken from my com¬ 
mand, and ordered to remote and interior positions in Mex¬ 
ico. I was confined a prisoner in the City of Mexico for 
ninety days, and until released by order of the President of 
the united States. 

A long investigation of the charges preferred against me, 
resulted in the triumphant vindication of my reputation, and 
in overwhelming my enemies and persecutors with shame 
and falsehood. 

But there is a mystery , a secret history, in the motives 
of those who thus sought to destroy my character, and to 
strip me of the humble honor of services which cost me so 
much suffering, which has never yet been understood by the 
country. That mystery 1 now propose to remove. 

It is due to my own reputation, to the memory of the 
great and patriotic statesman who was then Qhief Magis¬ 
trate of the Hation, and to the truth of history, that the veil 
which has now, for ten years, concealed the truth from the 
public, should be lifted. 

In appointing a mission to travel with the army and treat 
for peace, (if an opportunity should offer,) the grade of di¬ 
plomatic duty to be performed, and the emoluments there¬ 
to attached, made it impossible for the President to find a 
statesman who would accept the place. The man selected 
for that position was Mr. N. P. Trist. But either distrust¬ 
ing his ability, or judgment, or prudence, or all these, Pres¬ 
ident Polk was not satisfied to place the honor of the coun- 
try, and his administration, in his hands alone. 

By his confide7itial letters , now in my possession, he so far 
associated myself with Mr. Trist as to place me in semi¬ 
official relations with him as a commissioner. The duty was 
enjoined upon Mr. Trist of taking me into all his confer¬ 
ences, and to consult me in all his negotiations. The duty 


5 


was imposed, upon me as a patriot, and the devoted friend 
of the President, to guard and protect the honor of the 
country and of his administration against any and every 
thing which I thought would tarnish the one or the other. 
It will hence be seen, that while Mr. Trist was the ostensible 
commissioner, I was, in fact, the confidential officer of the 
Government, upon whom the President relied to guard and 
protect the honor of the country, in the important negotia¬ 
tions involving the peace of the country. 

When I reached the head quarters of the army at Puebla 
I was invited to a conference with Mr. Trist. On my arri¬ 
val at his quarters I found Gen. Scott there. Mr. Trist in¬ 
formed me that he had opened negotiations with Santa 
Anna, and had pretty well agreed upon the preliminaries of 
negotiations for peace. By these terms Santa Anna was to 
be paid, cash in hand, as earnest money, $10,000, and our 
army was to march to the valley of Mexico and fight a bat¬ 
tle before the city. If we won , an armistice was to be 
granted, and commissioners appointed to treat for peace. 
When peace should be concluded, Santa Anna was to re¬ 
ceive one million of dollars more. 

Mr. Trist farther informed me that these terms had been 
agreed to, but it was an open question whether Santa Anna 
or Gen. Scott, (after the battle w T as fought,) should take the 
initiative, and send the flag of truce, preparatory to the 
armistice—Santa Anna insisting that Gen. Scott should 
send the flag, but Gen. Scott insisting, if he won the battle, 
Santa Anna should do so. He further said Gen. Scott had 
furnished him the money, and that he had paid the $10,000 
required to be paid in advance, and that Gen. Scott had the 
means in the disbursing department of the army, or could 
raise the means, of paying the million to be paid at the con¬ 
clusion of the negotiations. He also said he had invited me 
to the conference in pursuance of the order of the President, 
and desired my approval of the terms. 

I asked Mr. Trist if there was any law authorizing such an 
use of the public money ? He replied there was not. I 
then asked him if the President had authorized such a use 
of it? He replied he had not; but he thought it was the 
best he could do. 

Regarding this as an improper use of the public money, 
and as a bribe to the commander of the enemy’s forces, and 
as dishonoring the Government, and disgraceful to our army, 
I at once protested agoinst the whole matter. 

Gen. Scott justified and defended the measure, both upon 
the score of morals and as to the usage of governments. He 
said we were not corrupting Santa Anna, for the fact that 


6 


he was found in the market, asking a bribe , was proof that 
he was already corrupted. 

In regard to the practice of Governments, he said it was 
a usage of all Governments to effect their purposes, when 
necessary, by money, and that our Government had sanc¬ 
tioned the practice. He said the presents made by it to the 
Chiefs of Indian Tribes and to the Barbary Powers, were 
nothing but bribes. He further said that in the settlement 
of the Horth-eastern boundary question, $500,000 had been 
used—no one knew how, but the officers of the Govern¬ 
ment, unless it was used to bribe the Maine press. He men¬ 
tioned other instances in which the Government had ex¬ 
pended large sums of money in this way. 

Finding Gen. Scott clear as to the right of the measure, 
and earnest in his co-operation with Mr. Trist, and not being 
familiar myself with the usages of other Governments, nor 
the practice of our own, I doubted what I ought to do; and 
in deference to his wishes and judgment, suspended my op¬ 
position, until a day’s reflection had confirmed my opinion 
of duty to my country. On the night after the conference 
took place, Gen. Scott called a council of General officers, 
to whom he made known what had been done in the way of 
negotiation, and to whom he expressed substantially the 
views and opinions above detailed. 

Being satisfied after reflection that my first impressions 
were right , I went next day to Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist, and 
protested so earnestly against the whole matter that they 
both said I was right , and that they would abandon the 
negotiations. I then thought they were sincere in their 
purpose to abandon it, and all idea of peace to be thus 
obtained. 

In a few days afterwards the army commenced the march 
for the Yalley of Mexico. 

We reached the valley—had fought the battle of Contre¬ 
ras and Cherubusco, (a continuous fight that lasted nearly 
two days,) when at last every portion of the field was won 
by the indomitable valor of the American army, and whilst 
pursuing the enemy at the head of the army, and almost 
within the gates of the city, I received Gen. Scott’s orders 
to halt the army, and fall back to his position—when I learn¬ 
ed from him that it was his purpose to grant an armistice. 

The enemy had sent no flag of truce, nor had he asked an 
armistice. I at once told Gen. Scott the city was in his 
power—that I thought he ought to take it, provide for the 
wants of his army, and then grant an armistice, if the ene¬ 
my desire it. 

Gen. Scott replied that his purpose was settled, and gave 


7 


orders for the disposition of the army for the night then ap¬ 
proaching. r 

Next day I went to Gen. Scott’s head cpiarters, taking 
Gen. Worth with me, and we both earnestly protested against 
the armistice, but to no purpose. 

Still not satisfied, the same day I addressed a written re¬ 
monstrance to Gen. Scott, which I sent by Gen. Pierce, still 
more earnestly protesting against this armistice, as likely 
to endanger the safety of the army in future operations. 
But all my efforts were of no avail. I was now satisfied 
that Gen. Scott was acting under the influence and wishes of 
Mr. Trist, and that he was carrying into effect the Puebla 
negotiations. That in doing so, if we got peace, it would 
be at the cost of the honor of the army and of the Govern¬ 
ment of the country. That if we got no peace, Santa Anna 
would avail himself of the armistice to recruit his beaten 
and disorganized army, to complete his defensive works, and 
to remove his heavy artillery from the front we had turned 
to the front we were assailing. And that, in the event of 
Santa Anna’s bad faith in this negotiation, we were giving 
up all the advantages gained by the battles of Contreras and 
Clierubusco, (which had cost us the blood of 1050 men) with¬ 
out any thing in return, and without any guarantee of the 
enemy’s good faith. 

Entertaining these views of the object and effect of the arm 
istice, and the purposes of Mr. Trist, and finding that I 
could do nothing to prevent the consummation of measures 
so disreputable to the Government, I wrote to President 
Polk, giving him a full account of the negotiations, and the 
steps adopted towards its fulfillment. Upon the reception 
of this information, the President promptly recalled Mr. 
Trist, withdrew from him all authority to act as commission¬ 
er, and directed Gen. Scott to send him back to the United 
States. 

The recall, however, was not received until Gen. Scott had 
resumed offensive operations, and the army had entered the 
city of Mexico. 

The armistice lasted fifteen days, during which time San¬ 
ta Anna had completed his defences, had removed his heavy 
artillery from El Pinion and Mexicalzingo, and had re-organ¬ 
ized and recruited his army, and had 25,000 fighting men in 
the field; and then announced that the armistice was at 
an end. And in the after operations of the army—made 
necessary bv the armistice, and by giving up all the advan¬ 
tages gained by the first two bloody battles—we lost in killed 
and wounded 1672 men, so that the army had to atone for 
the error of its General-in-Chief—acting under the influence 


8 


of the Government Commissioner—with the blood of ma¬ 
ny of its bravest men. 

Up to this time, Gen. Scott had never been otherwise than 
just and kind to me. 

At Yera Cruz he had selected me to lead the storming 
column of volunteer forces in the contemplated assault upon 
that city. He afterwards appointed me a Commissioner 
over the heads of my then seniors in rank, to fix upon the 
terms of its capitulation. He had selected me to attack in 
front, the strongly fortified field of Cerro Gordo, while, 
with the main force of the army, he turned the enemy’s left. 

Finding his army so much crippled by the operations at 
Yera Cruz and the battle of Cerro Gordo, that he could not 
advance upon the City of Mexico, he sent me to the United 
States, (under sick leave of absence), but in fact to procure 
from the President an order to reinforce his command by 
the new troops previously ordered to Gen. Taylor’s line of 
operations; which duty being performed, I returned and 
overtook the army, and assumed the command of my Divi¬ 
sion at Puebla. 

He placed me in command of the advance of the army in 
the movements that led to the battles of Contreras and 
Cherubusco. In the midst -of this last, long-continued and 
bloody battle, he sent his life-guard, (commanded by Captain 
Kearney) to me for duty , thus leaving himself at Coyoacan, 
without even a life guard Immediately on the termination 
of the armistice, he threw me forward to Piedad, almost un¬ 
der the walls of the City, to drive in the enemy, and to pro¬ 
tect his army from surprise and stratigical movement, (with 
orders never for one moment to be absent from my post,) 
while he was concentrating his forces and settling his plans 
for future operations. He moved me from this place, in the 
darkness of the night, to dash upon and seize the CassaMat- 
ta and Molino del Rey, preparatory to storming Chepulte- 
pec, and having chosen me to storm that strong and almost 
impregnable fortification on West front, (which commanded 
all the approaches to the city,) and when it had become evi¬ 
dent that it was victory or death to the whole army , he direct¬ 
ed me to assail the work as I pleased, but that I must carry 
it, no matter at what cost —that the fate of the army depend¬ 
ed upon my success. 

Being disabled in this duty, Gen. Scott said in his official 
Eeports, “That this gallant leader was cut down, while up 
with the front rank, by an agonizing wound.” In his official 
correspondence he said, “From what he personally saw, he 
(I) received an agonizing wound in the able and heroic dis¬ 
charge of duty,” in storming Chepultepec. Again he said, 


9 


“On your back, as you still are, with a painful wound, I yes¬ 
terday, very reluctantly, troubled you with a note of that 
date, but was obliged to do so before finishing my report of 
the recent glorious operations, in which you had a full and 
most distinguished participation.” * * * Again he said, 

“In haste, permit me to repeat once more, that I have, from 
my first meeting with you, been anxious, from a high opin¬ 
ion of your head and heart, your intelligence, honor, zeal 
and valor, to win your esteem and confidence, on any terms, 
consistent with justice and honor.” 

I refer to these high official testimonials of Gen. Scott, not 
in a vainglorious spirit, but to show how’ strong an influence 
must have been brought to bear upon his mind, to have in¬ 
duced him (before the ink with which his official reports 
were written, was dry,) to have treated, with such harshness 
and injustice, an officer, of whose conduct he had just spo¬ 
ken in his reports, in terms of unqualified approbation, and 
whose “confidence and esteem he was anxious to win, upon 
any terms, consistent with honor and justice.” That influ¬ 
ence was the misrepresentations of Mr. Trist—who, availing 
himself of Gen. Scott’s known jealousy of command, and of 
my opposition to the armistice, coupled with the letters 
written from the army condemnatory of the armistice and 
laudatory of myself—inflamed Gen. Scott’s feelings, and so 
madened his sense of justice, as to blind him in all his after 
conduct. 

Mr. Trist’s object was revenge upon the man who had 
caused his recall, and to disgrace and discredit the only man 
who had a knowledge of his corrupt negotiations. He knew 
I had written to President Polk, (for I had shown him the 
letter;) but Gen. Scott/ did not. He knew that to accom¬ 
plish his purpose, he must control Gen. Scott’s moral power 
and influence in the army. 

Gen. Scott never suspected his real purpose. The armis¬ 
tice had greatly affected the confidence and feelings of the 
army towards Gen. Scott, while my opposition to it, being 
known throughout the army, had tended to induce an over¬ 
estimate of my services. 

This was seen by Gen. Scott in the many letters written 
from the army to the home press—and his sensibility on this 
point, may be seen in the issuance of his offensive general 
order, intended to disgrace Gen. Worth and myself, upon 
the bare suspicion that we had written sncli letters. It was 
this order that led to the arrest of Gen. Worth and Colonel 
Duncan; and, though he arrested me under a different 
pretext, his main charge was, that I, also, had written simi¬ 
lar letters. 


10 


Under these circumstances, Mr. Trist found it an easy mat¬ 
ter to induce Gen. Scott to believe I was endeavoring to 
supplant him in the confidence and affections of the army, 
and to strip him of the honor, to which he was entitled, as 
its commander. That he did so believe, is manifest from 
his charges against me. 

Hence the blindness with which he rushed into the ex¬ 
tremes of injustice and wrong towards me, which proved so 
fatal to his own reputation for justice towards his subordi¬ 
nates in command, and which had well nigh ruined the hum¬ 
ble individual who now addresses you. 

It will be seen from this narrative of events, that all my 
trials and persecutions—all the falsehoods and calumnies 
heaped upon me in consequence of my rupture with Gen. 
Scott—all the blackening and defamatory charges, by which 
he sought to strip me of the humble honor of my services, 
and to disgrace me as a man of honor—all the poison infus¬ 
ed into the mind of the Nation by the party press—that all 
this obloquy was heaped upon me, because I earnestly pro¬ 
tested against the corrupt Puebla negotiations, and the arm¬ 
istice—a part of it—which cost the army the lives of so ma¬ 
ny brave men, and because I made known to the President, 
as l was in dionor bound to do, the existence of these dis¬ 
graceful proceedings. 

Hence it will be seen that, instead of having caused the 
rupture between the President and Gen. Scott, and Mr. 
Trist, from an officious and intermeddling disposition, as I 
was charged to have done, I was engaged in a sacred duty to 
my country in all that I did. And though I was so greatly 
wronged by the press, and by public opinion, such were my 
confidential relations to the Government and to this mission , 
that I could neither expose the motives of those who sought 
to destroy me, nor the sense of duty, which controlled my 
conduct. 

In my defence of the charges against me, I was compell¬ 
ed to confine myself to the charges themselves, trusting to 
the future for the vindication of my motives, and the fideli¬ 
ty with which I met the responsibilities of my position, as 
the confidential officer of the Government. 

The best friends I had in the army did all they could to 
induce me to acquiesce in Gen. Scott’s refusal to prosecute 
the charges against me. But conscious of my innocence, 
and having been actuated by a high sense of duty to my coun¬ 
try, I demanded an investigation of the charges, and an or¬ 
der from the court compelling him to prosecute them, or 
publicly admit that they were false. 

I chose to brave all the consequences, rather than submit 


11 


to be thus calumniated, or violate the confidence reposed in 
me by my Government. 

In all this I claim to have done but my duty; but the time 
has now arrived when I think the relations I bore to the Go¬ 
vernment and to this mission should be made known, that my 
conduct may be understood and my motives appreciated. 

I now appear before the people of Tennessee and ask their 
verdict upon these facts. I appeal to them for justice, and 
I state the performance of these confidential services to my 
country, when neither the purposes of justice, nor secrets of 
State, require them longer to be withheld from the public. 
I could not state them earlier, consistently with my sense of 
duty. 

The facts, substantially as above given, will be found in 
the sworn testimony of myself and other general officers in 
the archives at Washington, taken by order of the then Pres¬ 
ident of the United States. 

The great man, whose sleepless anxiety for the honor and 
welfare of the country, imposed upon me these trying duties, 
has passed away, but not so, the impress of his mind, and 
the imperishable achievements of his administration. These 
are seen in the glory of our arms, in the countless millions 
of gold with which our Pacific steamers are freighted, and in 
the rapid march of civilization and freedom to the distant 
shores of the Pacific. Had he lived, this appeal to my coun¬ 
trymen, to remove from my name the reproach implied by 
their apparent neglect, would never have been necessary, 
lie would long since have made known my services, and 
the motives which actuated my conduct, 

In regard to the course of conduct I shall adopt, if honored 
with your confidence, I have only to say, that I think I have 
given proof enough of love of country to satisfy you, that I 
will never intentionally prove faithless to the trust reposed 
in me. 

Upon the great question which now threatens the Union 
of the States, I declare my attachment to the Union to be 
second only to the rights secured by the Constitution to the 
States. 

Upon this question, I have no further concessions to grant, 
no more compromises to make. I consider the South as al¬ 
ready driven to the wall. Further, she ought not , can not } 
shall not, retreat with my concurrence. 

Respectfully, 

GID. J. PILLOW. 


TO THE PEOPLE OF TENNESSEE: 


In placing myself before the country as a candidate for 
United States Senator, I feel that it is not improper for me 
briefly to refer to the motives which have prompted my 
course, and to state the principles by which I shall be go¬ 
verned, if honored with your confidence. 

It is known to you that I have not heretofore sought po¬ 
litical honors. That I have actively participated in all the 
great political struggles through which the country has 
passed for many years, is not unknown to the democracy of 
my immediate neighborhood; but my participation has 
been that of a soldier in the ranks—neither asking nor re¬ 
ceiving any share in the fruits of victory. 

Incidental to the humble part I have performed, was an 
active participation in the nomination of Mr. Polk, and in 
the struggle which resulted in placing him in the Presiden¬ 
tial chair. That event was followed by the war with Mex¬ 
ico. The part I bore in that war is known to the country. 
All that I have to say of those services is, that I tried to 
perform my duty in the difficult and trying positions in 
which I was placed. To the brave sons of Tennessee of my 
command I appeal as witnesses of my kindness and atten¬ 
tion to their wants, amidst the diseases of a pestilential 
climate and the hardships of a camp-life. To the reports of 
Gen. Scott, my immediate and only superior in the army, 
with which I fought, I refer, for the manner in which 1 
bore myself in command, and sustained the honor of Ten¬ 
nessee upon the many battle-fields of Mexico. Gen. Scott 
was under no suspicion of partiality for me—and I may, 
therefore, without indelicacy, refer to his reports for my 
bearing upon those fields, which have reflected so much 
honor upon our common country. By them I am willing 
to be judged. 

While I was thus engaged in a foreign war, endeavoring 
to maintain the right and defending the honor of the coun- 



13 


dier, by this step, we have but to examine the catalogue of 
the gallant dead, where we find the names of McIntosh, 
' Scott? Ransom, Graham, Butler, Dickinson, and a host of 
other Regimental Commanders, to see how fearfully their 
ranks were thinned in the bloody battles fought from Vera 
Cruz to the City of Mexico, and then to contemplate how 
comfortable it was to be in the Staff of the commanding Gen¬ 
eral, without ever being under fii'e. 

It was by this species of strategy that this gallant veteran 
of nearly forty year’s services in the army has passed through 
a series of so many years, without a scar upon his person , 
without seeing an enemy in the war with Mexico, except 
from the safe stand-point of his chief, and without ever hav¬ 
ing faced an enemy of his country, unless he was in some of 
the skirmishes with the Indians, in the Florida war.—While 
upon the subject of the Florida war, we invite him, in his 
next epistle, to tell what General Scott, in his report, said of 
his gallantry in that war, then to furnish the country with 
what he said of Gen. Scott, in his anonymous communica¬ 
tions to certain papers. 

A knowledge of the achievements of this son of Mars in 
that war, with the opinion of the “great soldier” of his gal¬ 
lantry ; and his opinion of the “great soldier,” written for 
the information of the public, would interest the people of 
Tennessee quite as much as his dishonorable reflections upon 
the memory of the great man, whose fame constitutes the 
pride and honor of this State. 

To understand why he was breveted , it is only necessary to 
say that that was honor reflected from Gen. Scott, his chief, 
upon whose reports the Government acted in conferring bre¬ 
vets, Such is a brief sketch of the brilliant achievements of 
this veteran warrior, who, with the brevet’rank of Brigadier 
General, resigned his commission and abandoned the army, 
rather than obey the order of his Government, and go on 
duty with his regiment to our frontiers, where by possibility 
he might have to fight the Indians. 

In regard to his character as a man of honor and truth , the 
country will remember him as a co-conspirator and associate 
witness cf Mr. FT. P. Trist, who, by their falsehoods, hatched 
the difficulties and provoked the rupture between myself 
and Gen. Scott, and acted as his pimps in getting up the 
falsehoods embodied in the foul charges against me, and 
then appeared before the Court of Inquiiy, and swore against 
me, with malice so indiscreet , as to discredit themselves, and 
to cause the Court to set aside their testimony—thus brand¬ 
ing them as convicts of wilful false-swearing. 

While I will be ready at all times to make good my state- 


14 


ments in my address, if any gentleman will take issue with 
me upon them, yet a proper self-respect forbids that I should 
do more than notice the misrepresentations and aspersions of 
Hitchcock or Trist who are “par nobile fratrum” in crime. 
This much I will do, inasmuch as some persons may see his 
dirty effusions, who have not had an opportunity of examin¬ 
ing my address. I shall point out and correct two palpable 
falsehoods in his letter, so that the public may see that he is 
still engaged in his old vocation, of wilful misrepresenta¬ 
tion. 

In my address, I made the following statements, viz : 

‘‘In appointing a Mission to travel with the army and 
treat for peace, (if an opportunity should offer,) the grade of 
diplomatic duty to be performed, and the emoluments there¬ 
to attached, made it impossible for the President to find a 
statesman who would accept the place. The man selected 
for that position was Mr. N. P. Trist. But either distrusting 
his ability, or judgment, or prudence, or all these, President 
Polk was not satisfied to place the honor of the country, and 
his administration, in his hands alone. 

“ By his confidential letters , now in my possession, he so 
far associated myself with Mr. Trist as to place me in semi- 
official relations with him as a commissioner. The duty was 
enjoined upon Mr. Trist of taking me into all his confer¬ 
ences, and to consult me in all his negotiations. The duty 
was imposed upon me as a patriot, and the devoted friend of 
the President, to guard and protect the honor of the country 
and of the administration against any and everything which 
I thought would tarnish the one or the other. It will hence 
be seen, that while Mr. Trist was the ostensible commission¬ 
er, I was, in fact, the confidential officer of the Government, 
upon whom the President relied to guard and protect the 
honor of the country, in the important negotiations involv¬ 
ing the peace of the country.” 

It will be seen, from the above statement, that I represent 
myself as having been placed by the President, in semi¬ 
official relations with Mr. Trist, as a commissioner, and that 
I occupied the position of a confidential officer of the Go¬ 
vernment, in connection with this mission, of which fact Mr. 
Trist had full knowledge. But I had no duty to perform, as 
such civil officer, with Gen. Scotland there is not one word 
said upon that subject, and yet this swift witness, in his let¬ 
ter to the St. Louis Republican , makes the following reck¬ 
less statement, viz: 

‘‘This very remarkable paper stands alone,it is presumed, 
as an instance wherein a candidate for office before our peo¬ 
ple bases his claims, or his principal claim, upon an open 


15 


confession of having occupied the low and dishonorable po¬ 
sition of a spy upon the conduct of his commanding Gen¬ 
eral. Gen. Pillow unblushingly tells us that he joined Gen. 
Scott, in Mexico, as ‘the confidential officer of the Govern¬ 
ment, upon whom the President relied to guard and protect 
the honor of the country in the important negotiations in¬ 
volving the peace of the country.’ In this secret position, 
Gen. Pillow, having ex-officio the entree to the presence of 
the commanding General at all times, and frequently having 
a seat at his private table, accumulated materials for de¬ 
faming his confiding commanding officer, in confidential 
letters to his old companion in a law office, then the Presi¬ 
dent of the United States, and now reveals this astonishing 
fact, and claims from the people of his State a high office as 
a reward to his secret service in that capacity. Who does 
not see the shocking State of things thus disclosed, and dis¬ 
closed, too, by the very man who occupied so degrading a 
position? What officer of the American army, of any 
proper self-respect, would permit himself to be made such 
an instrument ? What would a due sense of delicacy and 
honor have prompted a gentleman to do on finding himself 
appealed to for so dishonorable a service ? Undoubtedly he 
would have thrown back the President’s appeal with scorn, 
or he would have laid the whole matter before the com¬ 
manding General, and profess to act only with his full 
knowledge. But Gen. Pillow accepted the degrading po¬ 
sition tendered him by the President, and now claims credit 
for his services, as ‘ the confidential officer,’ whose public 
position gave him access to the presence of the commanding 
General.” 

Here, with my address before him, this Ex-Inspector Gen¬ 
eral states what he knew to be a deliberate falsehood, viz: 
That I confess myself to have been a spy upon Gen. Scott; 
and, having assumed thisfci, he has the effrontery, upon it, to 
base his calumnious strictures, foully aspersing my charac¬ 
ter. and covertly assailing the memory of President Polk. 
Who does not perceive that if I had accepted the position 
of a spy upon Gen. Scott’s movements, and had, in so doing, 
dishonored myself, that the President, in imposing such a 
duty upon me, was dishonoring himself. But I occupied no 
such position, and he knew it when he penned the article. 

How despicably base must be he who will thus intention - 
ally fabricate a falsehood in order to get an opportunity of 
slandering the memory of the illustrious dead, and of vent¬ 
ing the malice of his soul against the man whom he tried to 
victimize with his false testimony before the courts of in¬ 
quiry ! 


16 


If lie were now before a court of justice for the first time, 
and with an untarnished reputation, would not this willfull 
falsehood utterly discredit him ? 

Nearly ten years ago, in my defence before that court, 
(which was published to the world,) I denounced him as 
destitute of truth , honor and courage. He has pocketed this 
withering denunciation ever since in silence. He now comes 
forth, professing to be governed alone by the desire to pro¬ 
tect the character of the “ great soldier ,” and to enlighten 
the people of Tennessee as to my claims to Senatorial 
honors—his malice marked with falsehood , striking, like an 
assassin, in the dark. 

Ten years ago, when I was under arrest, awaiting a trial 
upon charges which he was expected to prove, he wrote an 
anonymous letter to the New York Courier and Enquirer, 
in which he said: “ Pillow, too, is in arrest! He is so; 

and charges running through several sheets of paper have 
been forwarded to Washington, and they represent him 
in such an odious light that we cannot think of him but 
with disgust. He is charged with lying , and with duplic¬ 
ity and treachery / in fact, his character is utterly pros¬ 
trate here.” 

Again he said: “ He (Pillow) could only have received 

a slight blow of some sort; possibly, he struck his foot or 
ankle against some projecting limb, without knowing what 
it was.” 

Gen. Scott, in his official report, said of this “ slight blow ” 
against a projecting limb “ This gallant leader was 
struck down while up with the front ranks by an agonizing 
wound.” 

Again: Hitchcock says in his letter, “ I will confine my 
remarks to facts within my own knowledge.” So then it 
appears that he had a personal knowledge of the facts told 
him in Trist’s lies! A personal knowledge of all that took 
place at Trist’s quarters when he was not present. Though 
the army had been fighting from 12 meridian till 4 p. m. on 
the 17th of August, under my orders, and with no senior 
officer upon the field, he has a personal knowledge that I had 
given no orders to Generals Twiggs, Riley, Cadwallader, or 
Col. Morgan, when these officers all testify that I had, and 
when he was not present 

On the morning of the 20th of August, when the en¬ 
trenched camp of Contreras was carried under Smith, I v T as 
upon the hill of Zecatepec, in full view of the assaulting 
force, yet, he had a personal knowledge that I was in bed at 
San Augustine. 

Again: Hitchcock says Trist told him that I took him 


17 


into “private room” (on the night of the 19th August, after 
Gen. Scott had directed the assault on the morning of the 
20th, under Gen. Smith’s suggestion) and I told him (Trist) 
that I disapproved this plan, and notified him that I washed 
my hands of the responsibility of the movement. Now, it 
so happens that this fact, as stated by Trist, was embraced 
in Scott’s charges against me. Trist swore to the fact, but 
the Court was satisfied that he lied and found against him 
in this, as in all his other testimony, and Hitchcock knew it, 
yet he now revives and brings forward this proven false¬ 
hood of Trist’s, and repeats it as true, under his pledge “ to 
confine himself to matters within his own knowledge.” But 
independently of this view ot the subject, why should I wish 
to wash my hands of the responsibility of a measure ordered 
by Gen. Scott ? He was in command of the army—my 
senior in rank—and the entire responsibility would of course 
rest upon him. Yet Hitchcock repeats his old disproved 
falsehood, as if he himself believed it! 

Is further facts or comentary necessary to show the utter 
moral depravity of this u Acting Inspector General!” 

The other misrepresentation I deem it proper to correct, 
relates to the Puebla negotiations. In my address I made 
the following statements: 

When I reached the head quarters of the army at Pu¬ 
ebla, I was invited to a conference with Mr. Trist. On my 
arrival at his quarters I found Gen. Scott there. Mr. Trist 
informed me that he had opened negotiations with Santa 
Anna, and had pretty well agreed upon the preliminaries of 
negotiations for peace. By these terms Santa Anna was to 
be paid, cash in hand, as earnest money, $10,000, and our 
army was to march to the valley of Mexico and fight a bat¬ 
tle before the city. If we an armistice was to be grant¬ 
ed, and commissioners appointed to treat for peace. When 
peace should be concluded, Santa Anna was to receive one 
million of dollars. 

Mr. Trist farther informed me that these terms had been 
agreed to, but it was an open question whether Santa Anna 
or Gen. Scott, (after the battle was fought,) should take the 
initiative, and send the flag of truce, preparatory to the arm¬ 
istice—Santa Anna insisting that Gen. Scott should send the 
flag, but Gen. Scott insisting, if he won the battle, Santa 
Anna should do so. He further said Gen. Scott had fur¬ 
nished him the money, and that he had paid the $10,000 re¬ 
quired to be paid in advance, and that Gen. Scott had the 
means in the disbursing department of the army, or could 
raise the means, of paying the million to be paid at the con¬ 
clusion of the negotiations. He also said he had invited me 


18 


to the conference in pursuance of the order of the President 
and desired my approval of the terms. 

I asked Mr. Trist if there was any law authorizing such a 
use of the public money ? He replied there was not. I then 
asked him if the President had authorized such a use of it ? 
He replied he had not; but he thought it was the best he 
could do. 

Regarding this as an improper use of the public money 7 , 
and as a bribe to the commander of the enemy’s forces, and 
as dishonoring the Government, and disgraceful to our army, 
I at once protested against the whole matter. 

Gen, Scott justified and defended the measure, both upon 
the score of morals and as to the usage of governments. He 
said we were not corrupting Santa Anna, for the fact that 
he was found in the market, asking a bribe , was proof that 
he was already corrupted. 

In regard to the practice of Governments, he said it was 
a usage of all Governments, to effect their purposes, when 
necessary, by money, and that our Government had sanc¬ 
tioned the practice. He said the presents made by it to the 
Chiefs of Indian Tribes and to the Barbary Powers, were no¬ 
thing but bribes. He further said that in the settlement of 
the Horth-eastern boundary question, $500,000 had been 
used—no one knows how, but the officers of the Govern¬ 
ment, unless it Was used to bribe the Maine press. He men¬ 
tioned other instances in which the Government had ex¬ 
pended large sums of money in this way 7 . 

Binding Gen. Scott clear as to the right of the measure, 
and earnest in his co-operation with Mr. Trist, not being fa¬ 
miliar myself with the usages of other Governments, nor the 
practice of our own, I doubted what I ought to do; and, in 
deference to his wishes and judgment, suspended my opposi¬ 
tion, until a day’s reflection had confirmed my opinion of 
duty to my country. On the night after the conference took 
place, Gen. Scott called a council of General officers, to 
whom he made known what had been done in the way of 
negotiation, and to whom he expressed substantially the 
views and opinions above detailed. 

Being satisfied, after reflection, that my first impressions 
were right , I went next day to Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist, and 
protested so earnestly against the whole matter that they 
both said I was right , and that they would abandon the ne¬ 
gotiations. I then thought they were sincere in their pur¬ 
pose to abandon it, and all idea of peace to be thus obtain¬ 
ed.” ' 

It will be seen, from the above statement, that the confer¬ 
ence spoken of was held in the day time, and at Mr. Trist’s 


19 


quarters, and that there was no one present but Mr. Trist, 
Gen. Scott, and myself. 

It was at this conference that the terms of the negotiation 
agreed to by Trist were first made known to me. It was 
here that I made known my opposition. It was then that 
Gen. Scott’s arguments induced me to doubt as to my duty, 
and that I, at his request, and in deference to his wishes and 
opinion, agreed to suspend my opposition until reflection 
should satisfy me as to my duty. I stated in my address 
that the following night Gen. Scott called a council of gene¬ 
ral officers, to whom he expressed substantially, the same 
views and opinions he had in the conference held at Trist’s 
quarters. I did not, however, pretend to give the opinions 
(r views expressed at that meeting, either by myself or any 
one eke; and I referred to what took place at this meeting 
of general officers simply to let the public understand that 
others, besides myself, knew the facts. I have stated that at 
the private conference I had agreed to suspend my opposi¬ 
tion, and I now state that at the meeting of general officers 
I did not make known my opposition, but said, in substance, 
that though I thought the whole matter was wrong, yet I 
supposed we were choosing the least of evils, in agreeing to 
the proposed terms. This I did in conformity with my 
agreement to suspend my opposition until better satisfied as 
to my duty. Hitchcock’s “notes written at the time 4 ’ are 
like those he produced on the investigation before the court 
about the hour at which Gen. Scott arrived on the battle¬ 
field on the 19th of August, which were proven to be false 
by half-a-dozen witnesses. These notes do not correctly give 
what was said by any general officer present except Gen, 
Cadwallader, who expressed no opinion. But that is their 
matter, not mine. 

I further said in my address, as is seen from the above 
quotation, that the next day, being satisfied after reflection 
that my first impressions were right, I went to Gen. Scott 
and Mi*. Trist and protested so earnestly against the whole 
matter, that they both agreed I was right, and that they 
would abandon the negotiations. 

This meeting of general officers had no duty to perform 
in a civil capacity. My position, as a confidential officer of 
the Government, was not known to them. Mr. Trist was 
not even present. It was called by Gen. Scott, and, as I had 
agreed to suspend, temporarily , my opposition, I did so. If 
at this meeting I committed an error, in not expressing the 
the opinions I entertained, it proceeded from my respect for 
Gen. Scott and my anxiety not to thwart his wishes. But I 
did not fail to right myself at the earliest moment after- 


20 


wards, with Mr. Trist (with whom my duties associated me) 
and with Gen. Scott, at whose request I had agreed to sus¬ 
pend my opposition for reflection. 

These are the facts as they are stated, substantially, in my 
address, and as Hitchcock knew them to be from that ad¬ 
dress, and yet he comes forward, professing to have a per¬ 
sonal knowledge of all the facts , and with his notes (evi¬ 
dently written for the place they occupy in his letter) makes 
me the warm advocate of the whole corrupt negotiation—• 
armistice and all—when my opposition to the whole proceed¬ 
ing is as well known, and was as fully proven, as any propo¬ 
sition could be that depended upon humantestimony. 

He says Congress had made a liberal appropriation to pro¬ 
cure a peace, and thinks it would not be so great a wrong to 
nse a little of it , even in the way of bribe. He feels that if 
he could implicate me in this business, he would thereby ef¬ 
fectually screen himself and his chief and associate in turpi¬ 
tude, Trist, from the condemnation of a just public opinidh. 

This great perversion of my position, and this effort to 
raise a false issue between myself and Gen. Smith, and to 
ascribe Gen. Scott’s rupture with me to my refusal to mod¬ 
ify my official report, is but another shameless attempt at 
falsehood—at which he has shown himself quite as adroit as 
he was reckless in swearing before the court. 

To understand the importance of his question, and how 
greatly the American army was endangered by the terms 
of this negotiation, as agreed upon , it is necessary to look at 
the relative strength and position of the two armies at the 
time. The Mexican army was 35,000 strong, and was in a 
city with a population of 200,000 inhabitants, defended by 
double lines of defensive works, with over 100 pieces of ar¬ 
tillery and with this army. The American army consisted 
of 11,500 men, all told; was in the midst of the enemy’s 
country; without supporting force, and without the possi¬ 
bility of early reinforcements. 

From this statement of the relative strength and position 
of the two armies, how fearfully were the chances against 
our success!^ Yet, by the terms as agreed uponf\i Santa 
Anna won the battle , the survivors of the American army 
would be in his power and at his mercy. If we won, 
he had provided, by the armistice , for the safety of himself, 
his army and the city. If peace ensued he got the million 
and ten thousand dollars. If peace did not ensue, he got 
time to make every necessary preparation for renewing the 
bloody struggle, with greatly increased chances of success 
from our reduced force. 

It will thus be seen that Gen. Scott and Santa Anna had 


21 


agreed to play tlie game of “ open and shut ”—the stake 
being the lives and blood of our army, and Santa Anna 
having “the hold” That the army in such a conflict did 
not perish, was owing to its own indomitable, valor . As it 
was, it cut its way into the city, at the cost of nearly half 
its members. It was against these terms that I protested. 

In my address I stated that Mr. Trist made an agreement 
with Santa Anna (and that Gen. Scott approved and sanc¬ 
tioned it) by which Santa Anna was to receive, cash in hand, 
$10,000 ; that our army was to march to the Valley of Mex¬ 
ico, fight a battle before the city—if we won, Scott was to 
grant an armistice—Santa Anna was to appoint commis¬ 
sioners to treat for peace, and when peace was concluded 
he wa3 to receive one million more. That Scott or Trist 
paid the ten thousand dollars before leaving Puebla; that 
we marched to the valley, fought the battle, had the 
city in his power, halted the army at the gate of the city, 
ordered it to fall back without a flag of tmice from the ene¬ 
my, and granted an armistice ; that Santa Anna was allowed 
time to recruit his army, strengthen the defences of the city, 
and thus to make it necessary to fight over his battles, 
which cost the army the blood of 1672 men; that it was 
thus manifest that Gen. Scott acted upon and carried out the 
terms of the Puebla negotiations; that I opposed the whole 
proceeding, not as a spy upon Gen. Scott, but as an asso¬ 
ciate commissioner with Mr. Trist; that my position was 
known both to Gen. Scott and Mr. Trist; that finding I 
could not arrest these proceedings, alike disgraceful to the 
Government and dangerous to the army, I reported all the 
facts to the President, who thereupon recalled Mr. Trist; 
that shortly afterwards I was arrested and held a prisoner in 
the City of Mexico, until I was relieved from arrest by an 
order from the President of the United States. 

This was the substance of that address. Does Gen. Hitch¬ 
cock deny that there was such an agreement, or that the ten 
thousand dollars was paid ? Does he deny that after march¬ 
ing to the valley and fighting the battle, Gen. Scott halted 
the army, when the city was in his power, and granted an 
armistice, without the enemy having sent a flag of truce, or 
asked for the armistice until next day ? Does he deny that 
I opposed the armistice icarmly and earnestly , both by verb¬ 
al and written remonstrance? Does he deny that Santa 
Anna availed himself of the armistice to recruit his army 
and strengthen the defences ot the city, and that the after 
operations, made necessary by the armistice, cost the army 
the blood of 1672 of its men ? Does he explain why Mr. 
Trist was recalled and ordered to be sent out of the country, 


22 


if not upon my report, and why he was promptly recalled 
upon that if 1 was not an associate commissioner f Does he 
pretend to explain how it happened that both Gen. Worth 
and myself—the two officers who opposed the armistice— 
were arrested shortly after Trist was recalled? Unless he 
denies these well known facts of the history of that cam¬ 
paign, he makes no issue with any statement in my 
address. 

Yet he would have the public believe that Gen. Scott 
broke off friendly relations with me because I would not al¬ 
ter my official report and falsify my convictions of truth. 
He says that Gen. Scott “ condescended ” to address me in 
kind and complimentary language, in a “private note” to 
induce me to do so, and that I basely attempted to use this 
private note for my own glorification, &c. 

In the first place Gen. Scott’s letter, from which the ex¬ 
tract was taken, is not a private note ; but on the contrary, 
was an official letter , addressed by Maj. Gen. Scott to Maj. 
Gen. Pillow, and related exclusively to the movements of 
the army and to official reports, and was by Gen. Scott so re¬ 
garded, and by him forwarded to the War Department of 
the Government at Washington. 

In the second place, if it had been a private note , and Gen. 
Scott had paid me unmerited compliments, to induce me to 
falsify my own convictions, as Hitchcock says was the fact, 
he puts Gen. Scott in a position in which all his friends 
would see that he compromised his honor. Either, there¬ 
fore, Hitchcock lies, or else Gen. Scott was guilty of writing 
me a highly eulogistic letter, falsifying the truth for a most 
ignoble purpose 

It is not material to me which horn of the dilemma he 
assumes. If he speaks the truth, Gen. Scott wrote falsely. 
If Gen. Scott, in his official letter, wrote the truth, Hitch¬ 
cock has but added another to the many acts which consign 
his name to infamy and dishonor. 

He may, therefore, fabricate what he pleases and slander 
the memory of the pure and the illustrious statesman who 
recalled his “ associate in crime ”—suspended his chief from 
command, and approved the finding of the court, that re¬ 
lieved me from his false testimony and the foul charges he 
vainly sought to fix upon my character. He may run as 
the leader of the pack , upon the track of him for whose 
blood he so thirsts; but his teeth are now extracted , and he 
cannot bite, though he be rabid with hate and malice. 

I regret the necessary length of this communication, and 
still more the notice I have been compelled to take of a man 
who, though not mentioned or alluded to in my address, 


23 


comes forward an impertinent intermeddler with the rights 
of the people of Tennessee, and provokes this exposure 
Perhaps in the future, he will work at “Scott’s Conquest 
of Mexico,” in the “retirement” which his aversion to the 
use of the sword has driven him, as more congenial to his 
peaceable nature than fighting Indians. 

Having now disposed of him as I think he deserves, it is 
proper to say that I shall take no further notice of any thing 
emanating from that source. 

Respectfully, GID. J. PILLOW. 


From the Nashville Union and American. 

GENERALS SCOTT AND PILLOW. 

The recent card of Gen. Scott, copied into our paper, makes 
up an issue between Gen. Pillow and himself, which subse¬ 
quent developments must determine. 

We have been shown a letter written from Washington, 
and addressed to Gen. Pillow, by a gentleman of distinction 
and character, altogether reliable, who says that he has ex¬ 
amined the record of the War Department, and that he finds 
there on file the sworn testimony of Gen’s. Shields, Quitman 
and others, fully and clearly sustaining every material fact 
stated by Gen. Pillow in his recent address to the people of 
Tennessee. We are requested by Gen. P. to say, that as 
soon as he can procure a copy of the record of the testimo¬ 
ny, he will submit to the public an answer to the card of 
Gen. Scott, recently published. 







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